Management in Context Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3500 words - 6

Management in Context - Essay Example romotion of trade liberalization (World Trade Organization, 2008), the modern business trend has gradually shifted from multinationalism to globalization. Globalization is â€Å"a process of interaction and integration among people, companies, and governments of different countries which is driven by international trade and investment through the use of information technology.† (The Levin Institute, 2008) In other words, the concept of globalization allows business people to maximize their available financial resources by taking advantage of the low-cost products and services that are readily available from developing countries. Because of the differences in monetary exchange rate, large-scale businesses from developed countries are able to purchase more homogenous products and highly competitive human resources at a much lesser price. Globalization theorists like Giddens (2000) and Waters (1995) suggest that globalization causes â€Å"social change†. Based on this theory, this study will examine the overall impact of globalization over the role and responsibilities of modern managers. discussed: (1) the need to implement and promote a strong cultural diversity within the business organization; (2) the shift from a traditional management style to the promotion of self-efficient employees; (3) the need to continuously update one’s own learning and promote organizational learning culture; (4) the shift from authoritative or transactional leadership style to transformational leadership style; and (5) importance of selecting the best motivational strategies. Globalization opens new business opportunities by increasing the size of potential markets for existing companies. However, globalization also increases pressure in market competition. For this reason, companies today are facing new business challenges not only within the domestic markets but in a global perspective. (Jain, 2003: p. 53) The tight competition within the domestic and international markets

Childbirth and Preterm Infants Essay Example for Free

Childbirth and Preterm Infants Essay Discuss disparities related to ethnic and cultural groups relative to low birth weight infants and preterm births. Describe the impact of extremely low birth weight babies on family and society (short and long term, including economic considerations, ongoing care considerations, and co-morbidities associated with prematurity). Discuss whether you feel that support services and systems in your community for preterm infants and their families adequately address their needs or not. Explain your answer. Respond to other learners posts in a manner that initiates or contributes to discussion. Racial and ethnic disparities in health disproportionately affect minority Americans. One of the greatest challenges facing the US healthcare system is the persistence of disparities in infant and maternal health among the different racial and ethnic groups. This disparity in healthcare outcomes does not appear to be limited to the Black community only, but rather it seems to affect all minority groups. In this context, American Indian/Alaska Native infants have higher death rates than White infants because of higher SIDS rates. The exact cause of these persisting racial disparities remains unexplained. The differences in socioeconomic status, maternal risky behaviors, prenatal care, psychosocial stress, and perinatal infection account for more disparities. Hispanics of Puerto Rican origin have higher IMRs than White infants because of higher LBW rates. One major risk factor for preterm birth is maternal genital infection. Others include extremes of maternal age, maternal cigarette smoking and substance abuse, history of PTD and maternal medical conditions such as hypertension and diabetes. There are support services and CHC’s available in our area for minority group women, preterm infants and their families to address their needs.

Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America

Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America Book Review: Miguel Angel Centeno. Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America. Penn State University Press 2002. Centenos book begins with the mystery of absence of interstate war-what he calls limited war-in Latin America, and then goes into the genealogy of state development in South America and the role of war on that continent. His historically contextualized analysis of warfare takes up the imbricated factors of class structure, organizational power, and international restraints in Latin America. He characterizes the Latin American states institutional and administrative capacity as not well developed as a result of divisions among dominant class structures, foreign power influence and control, which in turn have contributed to the states relatively peaceful history. He succinctly argues that they have been relatively peaceful because they dont have sophisticated political institutions to manage wars -the no States-no Wars argument.[1] Centeno contends that the lack of strong state institutions and limited state capacity accounts for these states inability to create autonomy and finance these wars through internal revenue; rather, this created dependency on foreign government loans that in turn weakened local capacity to create autonomy and thwarted the establishment of strong central institutions.[2] Foreign loan dependency created the conditions for the weakening of the possibility of creating strong central institutions that resulted in limited state capacity and the associated limited scale of war.[3] According to Centeno, limited war[4] do[es] not require the political or military mobilization of the society except (and not always) in the euphoric initial moments.[5] Foreign intervention based on trade interests also limited the scale of Latin American wars.[6] Centeno substantiates his argument with assessments of the capacity of Latin American governments to collect taxes, raise troops, and establish effective bureaucracies. Equally important is his argument about the ability of governments to galvanize nationalism, an ethos that creates a coherent concept of nation.[7] Based on comparative insight derived from North Atlantic nations, he argues that compared to Latin American states, these nations have more capacity to mobilize millions of troops to fight, financed through internally raised revenue from taxes.[8] I believe Centenos work is important as it provides a thorough analysis and critique of state-building theory based on empirical study. His work invests more attention in the Latin America region and makes a country-specific study to understand the particularities and nuances of generic state-building theory. His work draws attention to institutional analysis of states. As he writes, [This] magnificent display of institutional failure deserves further attention.[9] Centeno argues that Latin America has fought limited wars and further inquires into the meaning of this in an attempt to better understand the relationship between war and state-making. His work opens the door for deconstructing conventional nation-building theory, which is largely based on a Eurocentric account of war. Grounded in a set of empirical data and rigorous analysis, Centenos critical work illustrates how war contributed to the weakening of institutions, paying due attention to the fiscal aspect of the state, and shows how war in Latin America ruined institutions and resulted in more entrenched internal divisions.[10] He discusses the institutional capacity of the state as a central theme to explain and critique the regional history and political development, and he examines wars impact, how it has shaped state-society relationships, national identity and fiscal development. Centeno repeatedly emphasizes the fact that states in Latin America did not develop the kind of institutional strength of their Western European counterparts. The author is puzzled by the process and experience and consequences of war in Latin America and how this relates to states institutional strength and capacity to undertake war in a way that has shaped their creation. Based on multiple cases, Centenos historical development of each case and the experience of war illustrates the exigencies, contextual factors, and relational dimensions that all must be taken into account in order to determine, understand and explain variations and commonalties across the continent. This theoretical approach and these methodological insights are critical to assessing the development of the state based on European history and experience while complementing the theoretical discussion of the development of the state on both levelscapturing country-specific variations and theorizing or bringing in theoretical explanations for differences and commonalities. Understanding and explaining regional and country-specific variations using comparative methods provides relevant details to critically engage conventional state-building theory. Through this work, I learned that understanding variations and contextualizing analysis case by case is an important approach. The author uses the prism of war-state development bellicist model[11] as an important theoretical framework to problematize and further explain the nuances and regional and country-specific conditions and factors that alter and critique Eurocentric generalizations of the causal relationship between war and state development. Indeed, Centeno uses the counterfactual realties of Latin America to successfully refute the European model of state-building theory that suggests that wars created modern states and enhanced their institutions, creating the capacity for states to exploit resources, monopolize violence and make more wars. In fact, he successfully illustrates how (limited) wars in Latin America destroyed institutions and thwarted nation-state building. Here, he introduces internal factors such as class structure, internal elite divisions and the enduring impact of postcolonial chaos, noting how all contributed, along with the international factors related to how trade interest played out and to debt/loan dependence. An important lesson we can draw from this book is that the experience of war in Latin America, its role and influence on state creation (both the types and kinds of state formation) are distinct here, different from the significant role war played in the development of some European states. No doubt more cases from Latin America and elsewhere would further refute, contextualize, deconstruct and critique the conventional presuppositions, assumptions and models of state-building theory. The complex historical realties of states problematize and create an elaborated space for other factors, beyond war, providing complementary explanations related to creation of the state. Centenos central message is that the link between war and state-building is contingent on historical specificities and case-specific factors. However, his work does not help us to understand how strong states could develop without wars. The logic in Centenos theory and argument is important as it highlights important elements in appraising the link between war-making and state-making as understood in conventional theories, putting the focus on certain contingent factors-history, domestic socio-economic and political structures, and international politics. [1] Centeno, M. A. (2002). Blood and debt: War and the nation-state in Latin America. Penn State Press.p 26 [2] Ibid p 28 and Chapter 3 [3] Ibid [4] Ibid p 20-26 [5] Ibid p 21 [6] Ibid p 26 and 72-73 [7] Ibid p. 23, 7 and Chapter 4 and 5 [8] Ibid p 108- 109 191 and Chapter 5 [9] Ibid p 17 [10]ÂÂ   Ibid p 142 -145, 14, 6-7 and Chapter 3 [11] Ibid p. 19 and 266 What Makes a Teacher Effective? What Makes a Teacher Effective? What do you think it means to be an effective teacher? An effective teacher utilises aspects of their background, professional knowledge and personality to boost students academic growth (Whitton, Barker, Nodworthy, Sinclair, Phil, 2004). The favourable characteristics that follow an effective teacher are their high confidence, optimism and knowledge of the content. Effective teachers are confident in their knowledge, skills and their ability to guide students as well as feeling secure about their status as master of their subject. As well as having confidence in themselves, teachers must have confidence in their students, and believe that they will learn (Killen, 2013). The teacher should have strong beliefs that even the most complicated concept can be explained in such a way that students find it easy to learn. The teachers deeper understanding of the content should provide a means that makes it easy for them as teachers to alter known concepts to suit the students, making it easier for students to consume (Killen, 2013). Teaching is more than just presenting content, our Australian curriculum displays content that students must intake and how their academic level should be judged e.g. Tests and exams. A starting point for an effective teacher is to understand that learning is based on understanding the concept of the content, and the means of an effective teacher is to motivate learners from a state of not understanding to deeper understanding (Killen, 2013). Teachers must be able to create an environment where learners can understand the content presented. Specific techniques that are used to effectively create this environment involve the transformation of the content to something that is easier to understand, motivating learners and engaging them in learning tasks and the teachers adaptability to different students and different learning styles (Killen, 2013). Interactions with students gives teachers the chance to know what is happening around the class room so teachers have a chance to manipulat e their teaching style to best suit the students (Whitton et al., 2016). Why do teachers need to purposely plan for learning? Planning is an important technique teachers use to amplify student achievement as well as teacher satisfaction, the best teachers are able to organise and deliver the best learning experience through thoughtful planning. Overall planning put into class rooms should meet the curriculum requirements and learning needs, to further extend student academic achievement and make the learning experience worthwhile (Whitton et al., 2016). In order for students to meet the learning goals set out by the curriculum, teachers must understand the importance of effective planning. An effective plan helps students to learn purposefully with more efficiency as time is always a constraint in a class room, a developed plan also helps the teacher to clarify what goals are set for students and a step by step process on how to achieve those goals (Killen, 2013). An in-depth plan can boost the teachers confidence as it mirrors to the teacher that they understand the content the students want to learn, the increase in confidence will propel the overall teaching effectiveness. Purposely planning for learning is a must if a teacher is to grow in the art of teaching as it develops the teachers capability for effective teaching and gives a mean to reflect on their planning and effectiveness (Killen, 2013). A plan for learning needs to be effective in order to ensure the learning procedure is productive. Teaching can be simplified into a learning cycle: Planning, implementing then evaluating. Planning requires thorough knowledge of the students in the class their age, gender, interests, learning styles, academic talents and social / emotional states all come into effect when identifying the most effective techniques to be highlighted in the plan (Whitton et al., 2016). Knowledge and understanding of the curriculum must also be taken into account when setting up the plan so learning outcomes can be met. With an active and comprehensive plan the implementing of the actual teaching shows more effectiveness, evaluation of the lesson taught will provide feedback to the teacher on if the content and process was suitable for the students (Whitton et al., 2016). The purpose of the lesson taught must be clear so that students know why each lesson is important, simultaneously the lesson should al so be used by the teacher as means to guide their planning (Killen, 2013) How can effective teachers best engage students in learning? Engaging students in learning is just as important as teaching the students. In order for learners to take in the content being taught they must be focused on the objective and have a clear understanding as to why theyre being taught this. Various strategies are used together by teachers to best engage students to learn. Lesson introductions are one of the major components to involve learners and have them drawn into the learning experience, a lesson introduction should spark the students interests and have them feel connected to the learning environment (Whitton et al., 2016). Just as we discussed in the tutorial in week 3 examples to get the class interested in learning are setting up display materials, objects that students can touch and build understanding through a hands-on experience (e.g. cutting fruit into pieces when examining fractions) or reading a childrens book as audio-visual resource. The introductions should always be related to the topic and spark interests (Whitton et al., 2016). Just as lesson introductions lesson closures should also be given high amounts of attention. The lesson closure must also be relevant and involve the learners to make them aware that the lesson is over. Recapping what occurred, having groups display their work or discuss amongst themselves are good closures that give the teacher an idea if learning outcomes were met during the lesson (Whitton et al., 2016). Therere are many teaching and learning strategies, all the strategies can be broken down into 4 planning components: content, process, products and environment. The content is what is taught, process is how the content is taught, products are the teachers themselves that guide and help students (Whitton et al., 2016). Discovery learning is a strategy used that challenges students understanding and their thinking skills, this strategy of learning focuses on the students, expecting them to develop a solution and a method to the solution (Whitton et al., 2016). Discovery lessons require hands-on research activities to best engage the students. The advantages of discovery learning are that students are involved in the process of learning, the actives used in this type of learning are more meaningful and students acquire their own research and reflective skills (Westwood Peter, 2008). Why is developing positive communication skills important for effective teachers? The idea of enforcing positive communication skills upon teachers to further present in the classroom serve a clear purpose, an effective teacher will use their communication skills to create a rich and positive learning environment. Specific teaching strategies, skills and attitudes impact the learning environment as a whole and in turn these characteristics of the teacher can be manipulated and adjusted and then presented with strong communication skills to the students in order to gage their interests and create a healthy, productive classroom (Whitton et al., 2016). In an educational setting the relationship the teacher has with the students has a significant impact on the communication that occurs between teacher and student (Howell, 2014). If a teacher builds a positive relationship with their students there is a direct influence on the type of communication they will engage in, positive relationships opens a positive environment and negative relationships will generate a negat ive environment (Howell, 2014). An effective teacher will aim to promote a positive learning environment through means of displaying approachability and showing assertiveness in their communication. Assertiveness is categorised as communication style as well as aggressiveness and passivity (Howell, 2014). A good teacher will avoid aggressive and passive styles in communicating as they foster a negative learning environment but should focus on being assertive. The assertive teacher will display the capabilities to be an effective active listener; non-judgemental; able to express himself with honesty; respect others values; able to check on others feelings, all while being proactive, flexible, trustworthy and confident (Howell, 2014). All these highlighted qualities make the teacher approachable, if a student finds a teacher approachable theyre more likely to confide with the teacher and should they have a problem in the future they will feel encouraged to come to the teacher to share their concerns and feelings (Whi tton et al., 2016). By advocating positive relationships and communication, through assertiveness and approachability teachers promote a healthy and positive classroom environment for effective learning (Whitton et al., 2016 Howell,2014). References Whitton, D., Sinclair, C., Barker K., Nosworthy, M., Humphries, J., Sinclair, C. (2016)Learning for teaching: Teaching for learning. VIC, Australia: Cengage Killen, R. (2013). Effective teaching strategies: Lessons from research and practice. South Melbourne, Australia: Cengage Learning Australia. Retrieved from http://CURTIN.eblib.com.au/patron/FullRecord.aspx?p=1696408 Westwood, P. (2008). What teachers need to know about. VIC, Australia: ACER Press. Retrieved from http://search.informit.com.au.dbgw.lis.curtin.edu.au/documentSummary;dn=569324157817332;res=IELHSS Howell, J. (2014). Teaching and learning: Building effective pedagogies. South Melbourne, Australia: Oxford. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com.dbgw.lis.curtin.edu.au/lib/curtin/detail.action?docID=4191370

Reflections of the Past Essay -- French Revolution, French Politics, B

Edmund Burke is considered one of the most influential intellectuals, best known for criticising the French revolution in his 1790 publication, â€Å"Reflections on the Revolution in France.† It is a book that has been the topic of a variety of debates and disagreements, but has always had the distinction of being able to influence a number of different groups, including the classic liberal. The text criticizes the French revolution on a number of different principles. One of Burkes main problems with the revolution is that the revolutionary leaders attempted to change the entirety of Frances political system overnight rather than take it gradually and change things one by one. He claims that the New France has little chance of succeeding (230) because of what he sees as impulsive. He also states that, innovation is not reform, which also requires reflection (119). He compares this to the view the philosophers, where the approach lacked realism during a time when abstractness could be fatal. The complete abolition of the entire political system in 1789 ended with an immense amount of confusion during transformation. The prior political system, Feudalism, was declared void and so the entirety of the governmental institutions was dissolved. This includes the army, the local government, the judicial system and the clergy. This all relates to the political ideology of the philosophers, which held that a revolution was good at destruction, but not so good at the rebuilding process. Though it is debateable if Burkes critique of the revolution was right or wrong, the even did stimulate him to devise his political ideology. His ability to insinuate logical points of politics makes this a rather important book. The main idea behind this ... ...ore spectacle rather then substance (283), which isn’t what France needs. Instead there is a national assembly that Burke states isn’t qualified to form a government and which will eventually become more extreme (374). In Burkes opinion, France made a lot of mistakes when they revolted against their king and country. For society to be liberty it requires wisdom, which then requires virtue (373), both which Burke believes the France are missing. He ends his book commending Britian â€Å"on the basis of longstanding existence and reforms† (375) or the ability to gradually change the country for the better, much more so because many of the past reforms were an attempt to recover past privileges and traditions, which are positive. Regardless of how one feels about the French Revolution, â€Å"Reflections on the Revolution in France† is a book that is still an important read.

Afrikaner Nationalism Essay

Afrikaner people have, from the initial days felt threatened internal to their borders and externally. Sometimes the threat was real thus existing and other times it was an illusion. The fear of domination rose from the presence of a majority of what they labelled as undeveloped indigenous races all which were non-white (Wilson and Thompson, 365). With this fear rose nationalism. Afrikaner nationalism is a political ideology that was born in the late 19th century around the idea that Afrikaners in South Africa were a chosen people. It was also influenced by anti-British sentiments that grew among Afrikaners especially because of the Boer Wars which did more to unite Afrikanerdom and infuse it with purpose and determination (Wilson and Thompson, 367). The notion that Afrikaners are direct descendants of the Dutch are somewhat distorted. The Afrikaner nationalism places emphasis on the unity of all Afrikaans speaking white people, the Volk (folk – common people), against foreign elements such as blacks, Jews and English speaking South Africans. Another factor that held Afrikaner people together was that of Calvinism. Religion played an instrumental role in the development of nationalism. The Dutch Reformed Churches of South Africa throughout the 18th century were in a battle against modernism and modernity aligning themselves with views that divided the human race broadly into the elect and the rest (Wilson and Thompson, 371). These spheres led to belief that the State is divinely ordained and created and had to be preserved and protected from liberalism and revolutionary ideas (Wilson and Thompson, 372). Anyone seen to indulge in human rationality was seen as challenging God’s authority. This Christian-nationalistic ideology was tailored to fit Nationalist Afrikaner prejudices. In the 19th century Du Toit put forward the notion that Afrikaners were a distinct nationality with a fatherland (South Africa) and their own language (Afrikaans) and that the Volks’ destiny was to rule South Africa. Although there was never really an official relationship between the church and party, the church became in a sense the National  Party at prayer (Wilson and Thompson, 373). Afrikaners could thus refuse a British designed South Africa which they could co exist with other ethnic groups as a minority (Wilson and Thompson, 373-4). To them, as long as Afrikaner existed, as a minority in a racially and culturally different environment, they could not allow the black majority to develop economically or politically because this would lead to black domination. Afrikaner Nationalism had a personalized political philosophy. The Union of South Africa was created in 1910 (Wilson and Thompson, 377) and eight years after the 2nd Boer War, Hertzog broke ties with prime minister then , and formed the National Party in 1914. The media in those days had a party affiliated with it, hence Nationalist minded Afrikaners persuaded Malan to be an editor of their newspaper and thus he left his position as a church minister. A Cape branch of Hertzog’s National Party was founded in 1915 and Malan was elected as its provincial leader, elected to parliament in 1918. The National Party came in power in 1924, and Malan was Minister up until 1933 (Wilson and Thompson, 379). In 1934 the United Party was formed out of a merger between Hertzog’s National Party and rival, Jan Smuts with the South African Party. Malan strongly opposed the merger. He and nineteen other members of parliament formed the Purified National Party which he led for the next fourteen years as opposition. Malan also opposed the participation in WW2 which was already unpopular with the Afrikaner population (and led to the split in governing party) this dramatically increased his popularity and he consequently defeated the United party in 1948 in elections (in which only whites and coloreds could vote) (Wilson and Thompson, 380-7). Malan retired as leader in 1954, and the National Party chose Strydom as successor overriding Malan’s choice of placing Havenga as his successor. Choosing a non-Hertzog path, the National Party chose a path which Afrikaner Nationalism had to follow. Ossewabrandwag movement was formed largely on National Socialist lines which opposed South African entry in WW2 because of South Africa’s fight for independence from British rule. The movement emphasized national unity and was able to integrate a multitude of different nationalist organizations because it lacked a clear ideological profile. Only when leadership began to define ideology and had its own policy from 1941 onwards, did membership decline (Wilson and Thompson, 387). In the end, Malan outmaneuvered the movement and his rallying cry became that of bringing together all who from inner certainty, belong collectively. Nationalism was taken further at elections of 1953, 1958, 1961 and 1966 until Malan’s ideal had been realized (Wilson and Thompson, 388). However, there remained a small hard core Afrikaners who refused to throw their lot with Afrikaner nationalism thus internal political struggles in the disgruntled and essentially impoverished Afrikaner community. The tide however appeared to be flowing in favour of the more enlightened element in the National Party in the late 1960s (Wilson and Thompson, 390). This began the road to South Africa’s eventual isolation from a world that would no longer tolerate any forms of political discrimination or differentiation based on race only. Afrikaner Nationalism’s attitude to sovereign independence falls in two periods namely, the drive to attain dominion status and independence of Sout h Africa within the Commonwealth of Nations (Wilson and Thompson, 390-1). Hertzog led a freedom deputation in France to advocate for an independent reign of South Africa. An outcome for this task was a suggestion by the Federal Council of the Nation Party to recast the agenda of principles of the party in such a way that the sovereignty ideal was undoubtedly formulated. The party used constitutional means to be emancipated and handed rights to make decisions about the future of South Africa (Wilson and Thompson, 391). There was agitation from the Nationalist Party and Hertzog resisted it within ranks for secession from Britain after the First World War. Hertzog then entered into an election agreement with the Labour Party (supported by English speakers) and gave assurance that he would not withdraw from the Commonwealth. On the other hand, the Nationalist Party decided on a change of strategy in an effort to alleviate uncertainties of those South Africans that feared republicanism meant the dismissal of all ties of the Commonwealth (Wilson and Thompson, 393). After WW2, the demand for a return to a Kruger-type republic had been dropped with emphasis placed on South Africa’s relations with the rest of the world. Simultaneously, the internal colour problem had become extraneous in the face of more pressing issues (Wilson and Thompson, 394). Broederbond was a secret, exclusively male and white Protestant organization in South Africa dedicated to the advancement of Afrikaner interests. Their role in Afrikaner Nationalism was never possible to establish with exactness. The work of the  Bond was to maintain the unification of the Afrikaner members, recognising their language and cultural community (Wilson and Thompson, 395). Neither of the two leading Afrikaners of their day, Hertzog or Smuts, was considered eligible for membership of the Broederbond, for their policy of co-operation with the English speaking section of the population was felt to be inimical to the interests of the Afrikaner nation. Hertzog and Smuts had opposing opinions about the aims and activities of the organization. Smuts saw the organisation as a danger to the position of the country and the national policy as it only catered for the interests of a single resident and was not concerned in the interests of other inhabitants and the outcome was for Smuts to forbid any individual to become a member of the organisation. Hertzog was well aware of the scheming of the Broederbond behind the scenes, and in a forceful attack on the organization in a speech at Smithfield he stigmatized them as a grave menace to the rest and peace of our social community, even where it operates in the economic-cultural sphere (Wilson and Thompson, 397-8). Hertzog maintained that the establishment of the Bond organisation was caused by the refusing of the fusion of the National and South African Parties. The Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Organisation (F.A.K) was established in 1929 on Broedebond initiative which was to exercise an influential positive and creative image which impinged on the political sphere. The educational field was also vital as it was seen as a primary field of work in their attempt to build a nation in order to prevent the de-Afrikanerazation of the young. Division between Afrikaans and English speaking children was to be maintained in their education. An instruction of the mother tongue language secured the goal of the Afrikaner people’s motive to separate the two white groups with different mother tongues (Wilson and Thompson, 398-9). Economically, the F.A.K did significant work before and after WW2. Because of their work, Afrikaner Nationalism had been given further powerful foundation to provide it for the task of governing South Africa as the senior and dominant white partner (Wilson and Thompson, 400). In South Africa race is always equated with the colour of one’s skin. The race policy was implemented by the Afrikaner Nationalism to separate the populations according to their skin colour. The population Registration Act had definitions for each different race groups namely Whites, Coloureds, the Natives and the Indian person. They asserted that language and traditions  are to be in the blood of an individual (Wilson and Thompson, 403). In Nationalism’s black manifesto, Hertzog officially committed South Africa as a white man’s land. When Malan came to power in 1948, he abolished the Natives’ Representative Council claiming that it had become an anti-white forum. A party under chairmanship of Sauer produced a report in time of 1948 election which put in motion the word apartheid (Wilson and Thompson, 406). The application of segregation will furthermore lead to the creation of separate healthy cities for the non-whites where they will be in a position to develop along their own lines, establish their own institutions and later on govern themselves under the guardianship of the whites. Domination in South Africa was the purpose of the Afrikaner Nationalists to secure the safety of the white man. The survival of the white men meant that white men (White Afrikaners and English speaking whites) had to come together in order to fight the threat of the black people. BIBLIOGRAPHY Wilson, M. and Thompson, L. The Oxford History of South Africa. Oxford University Press.

values essays

values essays Geographically close but rather different The United States and Mexico are located geographically besides each other. They are interrelated in many aspects, such as economy, traditions, and ways of life, but they differ in some minimal aspects. People in each of the countries have a different way of living the values of parentship and personal control over the environment. People from different parts of the world get along with their families in different ways. A value related to this is called parentship meaning the relationship between parents and their children. Even if relationships between parents and their children exist all over the world, there are countries that have different customs. In Mexico, children depend a lot on their parents. Children in Mexico live with their parents even after graduating of high school. There, parents support their children until they have plenty of money to survive and get married. In comparison with the United States, children are more independent of their parents. There, most of graduates leave their houses to go to a foreign university. They believe that the future would bring even greater happiness. (Kohls, 4). In Mexico there are a lot of parties, and holidays where families get together to celebrate. This differs from the United States in that there are not enough reunions to get families together. A la st thing that can be seen different in these two countries is how advice is given to children by their parents. In Mexico when there is a problem, children ask their parents for advice to help them solve it. In the United States since most of the adolescents live away from their parents, it is not common for them to ask their parents for advice. Parentship is very different in Mexico compared to the United States. The environment is getting worse each year. Pollution, garbage, and the ozone layer effect is increasing a lot with time. This is be ...